Tuesday 25 April 2017

HIGH NOON Glenn Frankel


HIGH NOON: The Hollywood Blacklist and the Making of an American Classic

GLENN FRANKEL

Bloomsbury, 2017, 377 pages

 

The Hollywood western, High Noon, starring Gary Cooper, was the frontrunner for the Oscars in 1953.  It picked up four awards, including Best Actor for Cooper, but there was no statuette for the screenwriter, Carl Foreman, and none of the winners’ acceptance speeches even mentioned his name.  As Foreman’s son later said, ‘it was like this weird Stalinism – Foreman didn’t exist, there wasn’t a writer!’.

 

Foreman had become an Un-Person because he had not sufficiently repented of the political sin of his past membership of the US communist party in his recent hearing before the anti-Communist witch-hunters of the federal government’s House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC).

 

Journalist, Glenn Frankel’s, book revisits the political atmosphere of the time through High Noon in which the sheriff of Hadleyville (Marshal Will Kane, played by Cooper), deserted by that town’s cowardly citizens and spineless authorities, faces down a murderous rancher and his three gun-slingers in a shoot-out in the main street as the designated hour, twelve noon, approaches.

 

Repurposed from its origins as a parable about the newly-established United Nations Organisation’s aim of preventing aggression, Foreman saw the possibility of a different allegory in High Noon, with HUAC’s victims represented in the figure of the vulnerable sheriff, HUAC’s political thugs symbolised by the rancher’s criminal gang, and Hadleyville standing in for a craven Hollywood.

 

Foreman had joined the Communist Party in the 1930s, because it was, as he told his HUAC inquisitors, ‘the organisation most dedicated to fighting poverty and racism at home and Fascism abroad’ but he had drifted away from the party because of Stalin.  HUAC, however, was gunning for Hollywood Reds, and (much like Stalin), it wanted total political degradation of the accused in an elaborate Show Trial.  HUAC needed to choreograph spectacular political theatrics to reveal a giant “Red Plot to destroy America” by parading a stream of self-flagellating communist penitents denouncing their political faith, dumping on the party and ratting on their comrades by naming names (even though HUAC already had all the names courtesy of FBI spying).

 

Snitching on their comrades (at the cost of total loss of all self-respect) was the only way to avoid jail for contempt of Congress or staying off the career-ending Hollywood blacklist.  The blacklist had been adopted by the movie studios, and their Wall Street financiers, to avoid the economic loss that would result from conservative boycotts and pickets of films which employed HUAC targets.  The blacklist (for those with communist affiliations) and its equally damaging partner, the ‘graylist’ (which lassoed non-communists deemed politically risky because of their support for progressive causes), drove some five hundred Hollywooders out of work.

 

By contrast, ‘friendly’ witnesses (including Cooper) were warmly welcomed by HUAC.  Cooper, a Montana Republican, had had a stint in a paramilitary polo club which trained to bust up ‘subversive’ gatherings but the Paramount studio persuaded their star to leave the vigilante outfit because such bare-knuckled politics would damage his brand value.  The FBI, which helpfully ran political screen tests for the ‘friendlies’, was subsequently pleased to report to HUAC that the newly-respectable conservative star had passed his audition – he ‘presents an excellent appearance and will testify in a smooth, even, soft-spoken, unexcitable manner’, like his on-screen persona.  Cooper leant celebrity endorsement to HUAC.

 

In High Noon, some viewers spotted the screenwriter’s deliberate allusions to HUAC.  John Wayne did - Hollywood’s chief anti-communist bully, who said he never regretted ‘having helped run Foreman out of the country’ to exile in England, hated High Noon, regarding it as ‘the most un-American thing I’ve ever seen’.  The film did, after all, implicitly criticise the moral abdication of religion, commerce, the judiciary and liberals.  They were all brave from a distance but melted away when their anti-blacklist principles saw HUAC’s spotlight swing towards them.

 

One elite group of people have always missed the political point of the film.  High Noon has been “the film most requested by American presidents” (Bill Clinton tops the list with twenty private screenings) because the POTUSes see in Marshal Kane’s courageous stand a reflection of themselves as standard-bearers, often in opposition to their electorate, of moral integrity in the cause of right versus wrong.  These fantasy heroes, however, are imposters, poseurs dishonouring a film which was the antithesis of their practice of governing, with violence and legal persecution, on behalf of the greedy, ruthless, criminal enterprise of American capitalism.

 

The real heroes are to be found in Frankel’s excellent book.  Every defendant who appeared before HUAC faced their own individual high noon, vulnerable and scared, but they rose above their fear and, though wounded like the sheriff in the shoot-out, they survived and the political value of liberty triumphed, whilst it was the persecuting villains of HUAC who, in the end, bit the dust.

Sunday 2 April 2017

BOLSHOI CONFIDENTIAL by Simon Morrison


BOLSHOI CONFIDENTIAL: Secrets of the Russian Ballet from the Rule of the Tsars to Today

SIMON MORRISON

4th Estate, 2016, 507 pages

 
Review by Phil Shannon


Behind the Illustrious reputation of Russia’s Bolshoi Ballet lies a much grimier reality, says Simon Morrison, professor of music at Princeton University, in Bolshoi Confidential, his history of the 250 year-old cultural institution.  Raised from the swamps of Moscow, the Bolshoi Theatre which houses the ballet began life as a light entertainment and vaudeville hall, using cheap labour from a nearby orphans’ home for the children of serfs, before growing ever more opulent and elitist. 

It was the place to be seen for every pompous stuffed shirt in the Tsarist court.  Its aristocratic ballet directors treated the lowlier dancers like serfs.  Corrupt administrators embezzled state funds, resulting in mass lay-offs (once mid-pirouette) and savage wage cuts.  Economic compulsion forced dancers to turn to keeping dairy cows to make ends meet or propelled female dancers into the arms of wealthy patrons and the pawing attentions of the Tsarist elite - it was “a wretched economy where lesser-skilled dancers were promised access, through their art, to aristocratic circles, only to become sex slaves”. 

There was thus every reason for Russia’s socialist revolutionaries in 1917 to regard the Bolshoi as a decadent icon of gilded autocracy.  The 1,400 Bolshoi workforce greeted the 1917 revolution with anticipation, forming, in the spirit of the democratising times, a management-workers’ council, including ballet, orchestra, choir and trades representatives, which sent a representative to Moscow’s public and social services union committee. 

The Bolshoi wasn’t all that bolshie, however, as this union was one of the very few which supported the capitalist, war-fighting provisional government and was hostile to the Bolshevik-led workers’ soviets.  Anti-Bolshevik factions in the Bolshoi administration were replaced after the October revolution, however, and the Bolshoi remained in operation throughout the Bolshevik era despite a vigorous public debate about using fuel, food and other scarce resources to keep the aristocratic arts humming whilst labourers starved during a time of debilitating counter-revolutionary civil war, invasion, blockade and famine. 

The Bolsheviks’ education and culture minister (the People’s Commissar for Enlightenment), Anatoly Lunacharsky, was the Bolshoi’s most energetic defender, ensuring food rations were supplied, wood was obtained for heating and that silk and leather ballet pumps (five hundred a season) were procured. 

The Bolshoi’s other influential champion was the Bolshevik and government leader, Vladimir Lenin, who, in battles with didactic ‘agit-prop’ advocates who wanted a thorough proletarianisation of culture, cooled their premature cultural fever by calmly arguing that ‘it is too early yet to put the bourgeois artistic heritage in an archive’.  Like Trotsky, Lenin saw that cultural revolution is a slow, organic process taking decades, if not centuries. 

Still, experimentation was now on the Bolshoi agenda.  Traditional repertoire mixed it with modernist ballets (almost-nude dances set to avant-garde scores by Scriabin), ballet-operas about soccer (including one by Dimitri Shostakovich, a political and cultural revolutionary, fan of American jazz and blues, and soccer fanatic) and populist ballet-circus hybrids.  Dozens of Bolshoi orchestra members decamped to Persimfans, the egalitarian orchestra that played without a conductor. 

Despite Morrison’s obligatory anti-Bolshevik sentiments (Lenin’s “pseudo-Marxist political posturing” behind his “utopian fantasy” was “destined for tragedy” gives you the general idea), he unearths no horror tales of Bolshevik censorship or repression of the Bolshoi.  Indeed, Morrison has to agree with one critic that “the revolution [for all the suffering it induced – sic], was a free-for-all for creative experiment” for at least a decade after the Bolshevik revolution, and even into the early Stalinist 1930s, when “fear did not yet hang in the air” during artistic debates.  

It was only after Lenin’s death, Trotsky’s political defeat and Lunacharsky’s removal to a diplomatic posting that grey Stalinist political conformity, censorship and terror descended on the Bolshoi.  The classics were deemed safe (Tchaikovsky’s Swan Lake was a hardy perennial) but new works were politically sensitive and were repeatedly sent back for extensive ideological repairs.  Major composers such as Shostakovich, Prokofiev and Khachaturian all fought bruising, frustrating and potentially lethal battles with Stalin’s censors.  Meanwhile, members of Stalin’s entourage helped themselves to pretty young ballerinas. 

The post-Stalin Soviet era was freer but some malign traditions persisted.  Celebrity dancers could still be groped by a drunken Premier Brezhnev in the back of his limousine whilst a Béla Bartók expressionist ballet was menacingly critiqued for its ‘anti-socialist-realism’.  In Putin’s post-Soviet Russia, a ballet scene involving a drunken priest from his adored Russian Orthodox Church had to be excised.  As a despondent Bolshoi ballet master lamented in 2015, ‘there was censorship; there still is’. 

The Bolshoi’s artists’ unions are today headed by Bolshoi administrators; corruption is rife (bribes are paid for auditions or prime roles); ‘claques’ (“professional audience members” who offer demonstrative applause for selected dancers in exchange for $1,500 tickets which they resell) get staggeringly rich; and the principal dancer in 2013 organises an acid attack on the artistic director for passing over his ballerina girlfriend for plum roles - just another day at the ballet.  The brief Bolshevik interregnum of artistic freedom and political grace is looking better all the time.